英语自学网 发表于 2016-7-11 09:54:23

双语新闻人物:习近平全方位介绍


          When Xi Jinping was catapulted to the top of the Communist party hierarchy in 2007 the only thing most people in China knew about him was that he was married to a hugely popular military folk singer called Peng Liyuan.
          当习近平2007年一跃登上中共权力体系巅峰时,中国大部分人对他的唯一了解就是:这个人是著名军中民歌演唱家彭丽媛的丈夫。
          So the party's propaganda machine turned to Ms Peng, a major general in the People's Liberation Army, to introduce the man selected by a conclave of political power brokers to be the next leader of the world's most populous nation.
          于是,中共的宣传机器转向了彭丽媛,借宣传这位中国人民解放军少将歌唱家来介绍习近平——他由中共高层少数人秘密挑选出来,作为世界第一人口大国的下一代领导人。
          "The first time I met him my heart pounded and I felt immediately that this was my ideal husband, he was so pure and thoughtful," she said in an interview with Chinese state media. Ms Peng also described him as humble and dedicated to his work as a party official.
          彭丽媛在接受中国国家媒体采访时如此回忆与习近平的第一次见面:“当时我心里一动——这不就是我心目中理想的丈夫吗?人纯朴又很有思想。”彭丽媛还说,习近平为人谦和,是个工作勤恳的党干部。
          Like most of China's top political leaders Mr Xi is an enigmatic figure whose manicured official biography and public pronouncements offer few hints of what his policies might be when he ascends the communist throne.
          如中国大多数最高领导人一样,习近平是个神秘的人物。从他经过修饰的官方简历和公开发表的演说中,我们很难找到多少线索,来推断他在登上中共权力宝座以后会采取怎样的政策。
          In China and overseas, people have been projecting their own biases and preferences on to the man who will almost certainly succeed president Hu Jintao as Communist party general secretary at the end of this year and president and head of the military soon after.
          在中国和海外,人们一直将自己的偏好套用到习近平身上。习近平几乎肯定会在今年年底接替胡锦涛担任中共中央总书记,并随后出任中国国家主席和中共中央军事委员会主席。
          Some say he is a strong nationalist leader who could try to confront the west, others argue he is pro-western but isolated and some hopeful liberals even quietly speculate that he could be a Chinese Gorbachev, itching to introduce democracy the first chance he gets.
          有人说,习近平是一名强硬的民族主义领导人,可能试图与西方对抗;也有人称,习近平是亲西方的,但孤立无援;一些乐观的自由主义者甚至默默猜测,习近平可能就是中国的戈尔巴乔夫,渴望一有机会就推行民主。
          His visit to the US this week, where he was received as if he was already head of state, has done little to illuminate his political leanings although it has thrust him into the global spotlight, where he appeared confident if somewhat colourless.
          习近平本周访问美国,受到的接待规格之高,仿佛他已经是中国最高领导人了。此行让习近平成为了全球的焦点,但未能提供多少线索,让世人了解他的政治倾向。面对全球媒体的关注,习近平的表现,除了多少有些缺乏特色之外,总的来说,颇为自信。
          But contrary to appearances and his airbrushed official bio, Mr Xi's path to the pinnacle of Communist power has been anything but boring.
        但与其外在表现以及经过粉饰的官方简历不同,习近平登上中共权力巅峰的道路绝非平淡无奇。
          Born the "princeling" son of a revolutionary general in 1953, he was surrounded by privilege from a young age, living in a compound for top Chinese leaders with the kind of comforts – servants, telephones and a steady food supply – that most citizens in the impoverished nation couldn't dream of.
          1953年,习近平出生于一个革命将领家庭,“太子党”的出身让他自幼享受许多特权。在高级领导人专属的干部大院里长大,有勤务兵、电话和稳定的食品供应——这些在当时一贫如洗的中国是大多数人所无法想象的。
          But all of that was snatched away when his father, Xi Zhongxun, who was by now a vice-premier, was detained in 1962 in one of Mao Zedong's vicious purges. Gone were the trappings of the elite and the status of the young Xi, who for the next 15 years would be branded the son of a counter-revolutionary.
          但在1962年,这一切都没有了。那一年,习近平之父、时任副总理的习仲勋在毛泽东的一次残酷清洗中被打倒。年少的习近平一下子失去了高干子弟的待遇和地位,在之后的15年里,他的身份都是反革命分子的儿子。
          Things only got worse as the Cultural Revolution engulfed the nation in the late 1960s and he was shipped out to the countryside at the tender age of 15 to toil with the peasants as one of millions of "sent-down educated youth". In a small village in northern Shaanxi Province he slept like the locals on a flea-infested bed made of bricks in a cave dug into the yellow dirt. "I ate a lot of bitterness at that time," Mr Xi later wrote. "But my experience there had a profound influence on me and formed my down-to-earth, striving character."
          到上世纪60年代后期,随着文化大革命在全国范围内兴起,情况变得更糟。年仅15岁的习近平与数百万“下乡知青”一起,下放到农村,与农民一起辛苦劳动。在陕西北部的一个小村庄里,习近平和当地的农民一样,睡在窑洞里满是跳蚤的炕上。“我那时吃了很多苦,”习近平后来写道,“但那段经历对我有很深的影响,使我形成了踏实肯干、不屈不挠的性格。”
       
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entwo 发表于 2016-7-11 11:25:16


       

          Friends of his say it was this experience that instilled in him an all-consuming desire to become a top party official and return to the leadership compounds of his youth.
          他的朋友们说,习近平对于进入中共高层、重返幼年时代干部大院的强烈渴望,正是来源于这段经历。
          While his father languished in prison he tried 10 times to join the same party that had brought so much suffering to his family but was refused because of his "bad class background". He finally convinced the party to admit him in 1974 and a year later he was accepted to Beijing's elite Tsinghua University.
          就在父亲在狱中饱受折磨期间,习近平曾10次申请加入为他的家庭带来如此多痛苦的共产党,但都因“阶级成分不好”而被拒绝。1974年,中共终于批准习近平入党,一年后,他被精英云集的清华大学录取。
          While he studied chemical engineering, the Cultural Revolution ended, Deng Xiaoping came to power and Mr Xi's father was rehabilitated before being sent by Deng to rule Guangdong Province. In 1979 Mr Xi was given a plum job as assistant to Geng Biao, China's defence minister and an old comrade of his father.
          习近平在清华化工系学习期间,文革结束,邓小平上台,父亲得以平反,之后受到邓小平的任命赴广东省任省长。1979年,习近平获得了一份不错的工作:担任当时的中央军委秘书长(后来担任国防部长)、父亲的老战友耿飚的秘书。
          According to friends of Mr Xi and his family, he made a "calculated" decision in 1982 to head back out to the countryside in order to build his resumé as a grassroots official. He was eventually appointed governor of Fujian, the province that lies just across the strait from Taiwan, in 2000 and then party secretary of prosperous Zhejiang Province in 2003.
          据习近平和习家的一些朋友透露,1982年,习近平经过仔细的“考量”做出了一个决定:重返农村,以打造一份出身基层的履历。2000年,习近平最终被任命为福建省省长,2003年,又被任命为富庶省份浙江省的省委书记。
          His elevation to vice-president and presumptive heir to Mr Hu in 2007 came just months after he was parachuted into Shanghai to replace disgraced former party secretary Chen Liangyu, the most senior official to be arrested for corruption in more than a decade.
          2007年,习近平“空降”上海,接替不光彩下台的上海原市委书记陈良宇(十多年来因腐败而被捕的最高级别的中共官员)。仅几个月后,他就被提升为国家副主席,成为胡锦涛的预定接班人。
          This leap from obscurity to centre stage came partly thanks to his efforts carefully to cultivate his own image as a humble, down-to-earth public servant, after he suffered a major setback a decade earlier. In 1997, amid a backlash against the "princelings", he came last in an internal vote by Communist elites to select the party's 344-member Central Committee.
          习近平在登上中央舞台之前一直默默无闻,这部分原因在于,经历过10年前的那次重大挫折之后,习近平一直努力塑造自己谦和、踏实的人民公仆形象。1997年,恰逢“太子党”遭到反弹之时,在中共高层的内部投票中,习近平进入了总共344人的中共中央委员会,但他是得票数最低的中央候补委员。
          In an opaque system known for endemic graft and corruption, Mr Xi is regarded as "clean", although he is not immune to controversy.
          在一个贪污腐败盛行的不透明体系中,习近平被视为“清官”,但他也难免受到争议之扰。
          Critics point out that his doctoral degree in law from Tsinghua was received for an on-the-job course in "applied Marxist theory and ideological education" and some commentators have claimed he plagiarised all or part of the thesis he wrote while governor of Fujian.
          批评人士指出,习近平只参加了清华大学马克思主义理论与思想政治教育专业的在职学习,却获得了法学博士学位;还有一些评论人士宣称,习近平担任福建省长期间撰写的毕业论文部分或全部涉嫌抄袭。
          His and Ms Peng's only child, a daughter, is studying as an undergraduate under an assumed name at Harvard, leading many to question his confidence in China's own elite education system.
          习近平和彭丽媛的独女目前化名在哈佛大学(Harvard)念本科,这令许多人质疑习近平对中国本土精英教育体系的信心。
          None of these concerns will derail Mr Xi's rise to the top at the end of this year. But it remains a mystery what path he will decide to take once he finally reaches the goal he set for himself as a young man.
          这些问题没有一个会妨碍习近平在今年年底登上最高领导人之位。但当他最终实现了年少时设定的理想目标之后,他究竟将会决定走哪条道路,这还是个谜。
          "We don't know much about his views on political reform or how he will approach relations with the west," says Cheng Li, an expert in elite Chinese politics at the Brookings Institute. "To a certain extent Xi may not know himself which way he will go."
          “关于他对政治改革的看法,或者他将如何处理与西方的关系,我们知之甚少,”美国布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institute)研究中国上层政治的专家李成表示。“某种程度上,习近平自己可能都不知道未来他将走哪条路。”
          The writer is the FT's Beijing bureau chief
          本文作者是英国《金融时报》北京分社社长
       
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